This article is an attempt to bring together various pieces I’ve written about expressions of the misleadingly-named phenomenon known as “Cultural Marxism”, “Political Correctness” and “Social Justice”. It argues that this tendency is opposed to the positive achievements of Western societies.
The article also considers the alleged Jewish role in these tendencies.
First, I’ll explain how one expression of political correctness, “anti-racism”, undermines three key Western values: freedom of speech, presumption of innocence, and the proscription against being tried twice for the same crime.
By the phrase “anti-racism”, in inverted commas, I don’t mean “opposition to racial prejudice, violence and discrimination”. I mean ideas like “Critical Race Theory” and their political implementations.
I’ll start by listing some of the consequences of these ideas.
When eighty-eight professors at a US university falsely accused three of their students of rape because they are white men, and their accusers are black women, they were taken seriously by students, most of the media, the police, the district attorney, and the president of the university.
“Anti-racism” also influenced the 1997-1999 inquiry, led by Sir William Macpherson, on the murder of black teenager Stephen Lawrence, which accused the London police force of various nebulous kinds of “racism”. A consequence was nationwide police oversensitivity to such allegations. This helped Pakistani Muslim child-traffickers to “play the race card” and escape investigation. Some of the offenders also used “anti-racism” to convince underage white girls that the reason their parents were suspicious is because they are white.
I cover these examples in more detail below. They illustrate the effects on Western societies and individuals of persuading them to overcompensate for the racist past by inventing a racist present.
“Words That Wound”, Matsuda et. al., 1993, is a representative collection of essays on the variant of “anti-racism” known as Critical Race Theory. Because, it claims, “racist hate messages are rapidly increasing” in the USA (page 24), and because minorities suffer more from bigoted speech than the white majority, it argues that freedom of expression should be limited.
“Words That Wound” also attempts to undermine another principle of Western civilization, the presumption of innocence:
Matsuda asks that we listen first to the voice of the victims of hate speech
This doesn’t mean quite what it says. Note first of all that it claims that one can be a “victim” of “speech”. Secondly, it is true that the police do have to literally “listen first” to the victims of alleged crimes. But from that point on, the defendant is presumed innocent, so what she and her lawyers say is presumed to be the truth until it is proven to be false. This implies that the alleged victims of alleged crimes are disbelieved unless and until their allegations are proven. So to reform the legal system into what they say it should be, the critical race theorists would have to
- criminalize some forms of speech
- shift the balance of proof from plaintiff to defendant.
As I describe below, in the UK, “anti-racism” has led the law to undermine an ancient right – the injunction against “double jeopardy”: it is no longer necessarily true that, if you are found not guilty of a crime, you cannot be retried for it.
The Duke University alleged rape case of 2006 is one of the most dramatic examples of an attempt to apply the principles outlined in “Words That Wound”. The case was tailor-made for the “anti-racist” left: white fraternity members were accused of rape by black women. Activists organized noisy vigils outside the fraternity house, on the basis that
the daily violence of racism/white supremacy, sexism/transphobia/patriarchy, classism/capitalism, and homophobia/heterosexism are the intersecting sources of sexual violence.
– “Serena and the Potbangers”, Johnson, K.C., 9 May 2007.
But the students were innocent. The full story can be found in “Until Proven Innocent: political correctness and the shameful injustices of the Duke lacrosse rape case”, Taylor, S. Jr. & Johnson, K.C., 2007. A collection of more recent examples of the campus grievance industry’s opposition to due process can be found in the same authors’ “The Campus Rape Frenzy: the attack on due process at America’s universities”, Taylor, S. Jr. & Johnson, K.C., 2017.
The use of anti-racism by Zionists
Another variant of “anti-racism” is the effort to help the state of Israel by suppressing criticism of it in Western countries, by labelling this criticism “anti-semitic”.
A UK parliament committee recommends making illegal, among other thought-crimes, claiming that the existence of a State of Israel is a racist endeavour – “Antisemitism in the UK – tenth report of session 2016–17”, House of Commons Home Affairs Committee, 13 October 2016.
A similar law, but applying only to colleges and universities, the “Anti-Semitism Awareness Act”, is being considered in the USA, but it is widely regarded as unconstitutional, thus unenforceable: “The Anti-Semitism Awareness Act would damage free speech rights on campus”, Liz Jackson, Los Angeles Times, 6 December 2016.
In the recent article “A Modern Education” in the Dartmouth Review, Jack Mourouzis describes the Boycott, Sanctions and Divestment from Israel movement as follows: “Protestors expressing support for the anti-Semitic BDS movement”, without explanation, in the middle of an article criticizing “ideological intolerance” by the left. He criticizes the current wave of student assaults on freedom of speech for alleged “racists”, while using the same technique himself to challenge freedom to criticise Israel.
The hate industry
There has been an effort to exaggerate the amount of racial prejudice endemic to American society since, at the latest, 1950, when the Frankfurt School’s “The Authoritarian Personality”, by Theodor Adorno et al. was published. To be precise, The Authoritarian Personality exaggerated the degree to which white people exhibit ethnocentrism, by interpreting data using different methods for different demographics, with white rural Americans getting the least favourable treatment. Since then, a growing number of academic departments and well-funded political organisations has continued the work of the Frankfurt School.
Laird Wilcox criticised the hate industry in his pamphlet “The Watchdogs” in 1999:
Indeed, there is an anti-racist industry entrenched in the United States that has attracted bullying, moralizing fanatics, whose identity and livelihood depend upon growth and expansion of their particular kind of victimization.
Here are some examples. The National Institute Against Prejudice and Violence alleged there is an epidemic of “ethnoviolence” in higher education facilities – but its definition of the term is so broad it includes any “perceived expression of insensitivity” (“Hate Crimes”, Jacobs, J.B. & Potter, K., 1998, page 49). Mari Matsuda wrote that “a marked rise of racial harassment, hate speech, and racially-motivated violence marks the beginning of the 1990’s” in “Words That Wound” (1993, page 44). Jack Levin and Jack McDevitt’s “Hate Crimes” complained of “a rising tide of bigotry and bloodshed” at that time (1993, page xi). Kenneth Stern’s article “Militia Mania, a Growing Danger”, 1996, claimed that local officials in rural America were being threatened with death by right-wing terrorists, and Morris Dees, co-founder of the Southern Poverty Law Center, wrote a book entitled “Gathering Storm: America’s Militia Threat”, in 1997.
These claims are false. Acclaimed populariser of evolutionary psychology professor Steven Pinker took a year off from Harvard to write a history of violence, “The Better Angels of Our Nature: why violence has declined”. He used a chart from James Payne’s “A History of Force”, 2004, which shows how racist lynchings declined steadily from 150 per annum in the 1880s to close to zero by the end of the 1960s (page 385). Another graph in his book covers racist murders, 1996-2008 (page 386), using statistics from the FBI. From five victims per annum in 1996, this went down to one in 2008. One is less than 0.006 percent of the 17,000 murders which occur in the country each year.
Following the vote in the United Kingdom to leave the European Union on 23 June 2016, some of the media claimed there was a spike in reported hate crimes. This claim has been discredited: “The truth behind the Brexit hate crime ‘spike’”, Brendan O’Neill, “Britain has not become racist overnight”, Luke Gittos, “A supposed outpouring of online hatred against Jo Cox, a murdered MP, was exaggerated”, The Economist, 17 December 2016.
The election of Donald Trump as president of the USA on 9 November 2016 also saw a spike in hate crime reports. Many of them were found to be false alarms: http://fakehatecrimes.org/graphs.
A show-trial for the London police
“Racist Murder and Pressure Group Politics”, by Norman Dennis, George Erdos and Ahmed Al-Shahi, examines the Macpherson report into the death of Stephen Lawrence, a black teenager murdered by white thugs in London in 1993. It took eighteen years to convict them. The Macpherson report claimed the reason for the delay was racism in the police. Though the murderers used racist language while committing the crime, they also had a long history of violence against white and other people. But for Macpherson, the failure of many officers to recognise the murder as entirely racially-motivated was evidence of police racism. The fact that the police made mistakes in the investigation, though there was no evidence that these mistakes were caused by racism, was nevertheless adduced as though there was. The use of the old-fashioned word “coloured” instead of “black” by one officer was evidence too. Even denying racism was evidence of racism; an example of what Eric Raymond has characterised as a “Kafkatrap”.
Macpherson’s report liberally throws around phrases like “institutional racism”, “inherent racism”, “systemic racism”, and the like. Police racism is described as “‘concealed’, ‘predominantly hidden’, and yet has the power of ‘an inbuilt persuasiveness’” – Dennis, N., Erdos, G. and Al-Shahi, A., pages 109-110. All these vague phrases have the benefit of being unfalsifiable.
The reason it took eighteen years to convict Gary Dobson and David Norris of the murder of Stephen Lawrence is not police racism, but because the prosecution service thought the evidence was insufficient, given the need to prove defendants’ guilt beyond doubt. It was right: the men could only be convicted after several retrials and an acquittal. The final trial depended on the abolition of the injunction against “double jeopardy” in murder cases – being tried twice for the same crime. The abolition of this right, in murder cases, was a recommendation of the Macpherson report.
Behind Macpherson’s assault on defendants’ rights lies the “anti-racism” industry. Here is Mahdi Darius Nazemroaya’s contribution to vague, unprovable, unfalsifiable definitions of “racism”:
Racism has five typologies. These typologies are overt, polite, subliminal, institutional, and systemic racism…
To take one example:
Subliminal racism involves unconscious prejudice towards other groups. This form of racism is tied to ethnocentric views that most racist people are unaware of, because it has structurally been conditioned and socialized in them through societal forces like their culture, institutions, and media.
Dear reader, if you can’t see why the above passage is an Orwellian assault on freedom, based on pseudo-science, I’m not going to explain it.
With breathtaking chutzpah, Nazemroaya criticizes Critical Race Theory on the grounds that “ironically it is intolerant to diversity of thought and free speech”. There’s nothing ironic about it. Of course it’s intolerant of diversity of thought and free speech: its purpose is to undermine them. And the same is true of any variant of it, including the version Nazemroaya defends.
The above quotes are from Nazemroaya’s introduction to Denis Rancourt’s “Hierarchy and Free Expression in the fight against racism”, 2013. Rancourt’s book recommends student rebellion against “racism” among other grievances. In the last year or so, mobs of leftist students around the USA have prevented talks they disagree with, screamed racist abuse against white people, and forced resignations from academics and administrators.
The conclusion of “Racist Murder and Pressure Group Politics” is more concrete than Macpherson’s:
Macpherson produces no evidence that racism lay behind the inappropriate behaviour of these police officers.
– page 71.
Believe me, I am no admirer of the London police, but I don’t believe in convicting anyone on the basis of false, or meaningless, allegations. Moreover, Macpherson had unintended consequences.
Broken and Betrayed – the effects of the “anti-racism” campaign on the police
The Rotherham scandal proved beyond doubt the poisonous influence of political correctness on Western society. One of the reasons the authorities in Rotherham, UK, and at least seventeen other towns and cities, allowed hundreds of schoolgirls to be groomed, trafficked and raped by Muslim men for decades, was because they thought that, if they investigated, they would be accused of “racism”. When a social worker pointed out that most of the rapists belong to Rotherham’s Asian minority, she was sent on a diversity course.
Another reason the police failed to investigate the rapists was their contempt for working-class people. The South Yorkshire Police, responsible for Rotherham, provides exceptionally good evidence for a Marxist class analysis of the police – witness its behaviour at Orgreave coking plant in 1984, and at Hillsborough football ground in 1989, both of them violent attacks on working-class people. Officers from the force have been reported as having referred to working-class girls below the age of consent (sixteen) as “slags” and “prostitutes”, apparently unaware that sex with a minor is rape, not prostitution. As a result, some pundits have attempted to downplay the “political correctness” aspect, claiming that the only cause of police neglect of underage girls’ welfare is that the girls are working-class.
For example, Suzanne Moore, in “Poor children are seen as worthless, as Rotherham’s abuse scandal shows” – The Guardian, 27 August 2014.
However, consider this passage from “Broken and Betrayed”, by Rotherham whistleblower Jayne Senior:
One evening he set out to find her, having been told by police that “it wasn’t their problem”. He quickly located her and banged on the door of a terraced house, demanding that whoever was in should open up and give him his daughter back. Unfortunately as he was shouting he used a racist comment towards the people inside. He shouldn’t have said it, and it’s unforgivable, but that’s what happened. Neighbours heard the fracas and reported that someone was racially abusing people in their street. The police arrived pretty damned quickly, the door was opened and they went inside. By all accounts, Jessica was just getting out of bed with her abuser when the police came through the front door. She hid under the bed while the man was caught putting on his trousers. When they finally brought her out from under the bed she was intoxicated, semi-naked and clutching a police truncheon. She didn’t come out quietly, apparently, which led to her being arrested and charged with disorderly behaviour, as was her father. And although the house was full of men, one of whom had just been in bed with a fourteen-year-old girl, not one of them was spoken to, arrested or charged with anything.
Jessica subsequently told me that when she was driving around with her abuser in his flashy car, he’d often play the ‘race card’ if stopped by the police.
– Broken and Betrayed, Jayne Senior, pages 91-92
How would class prejudice lead to the police arresting a white working-class man for racist language, but letting Pakistani working-class child-rapists off scot-free? The data is more compatible with the hypothesis that the police has been corrupted by political correctness than the notion that it is just using it as an excuse for exercising its real function, the defence of capitalist society.
Jayne Senior is also concerned about “racism”:
Of course there was a grooming problem involving Asian men and white girls – you’d have to be blind not to see that – but there was no way I was going to contribute to any political point-scoring on behalf of the BNP or the EDL
She doesn’t explain why not. The local Labour council allowed girls in its care to be raped, and tried to suppress the evidence, and ruin the career, of whistleblower Jayne Senior. But after all this, she “contributed to political point-scoring” on Labour’s behalf. She campaigned for it, while dismissing the rival United Kingdom Independence Party’s “1,400 reasons not to trust Labour” poster (page 353). If UKIP pointing out Labour’s responsibility for mass child-rape was “a disgraceful attempt to make political gain”, what was Labour’s campaign? And why did she support it?
Like many others, she uses the euphemism “Asian” to avoid the more specific and accurate term “Muslim”. The word “Islam” occurs just twice in the book – in both cases to refer to girls who were forced to convert after being raped (pages 77 and 263). “Muslim” occurs six times, and “Asian” sixty-seven.
Only once does she use the word “Muslim” in a negative way, despite the overwhelming overrepresentation of men with Muslim names among child-traffickers. Her solution is a plea to “the Muslim community”:
If the Muslim community has a problem with abusers – and it clearly does – then people inside those communities need to accept that and have the confidence to report matters to the authorities
If I’d ever met anyone who had proposed drugging underage girls and gang-raping them, I would have reported him to the police, and if it did nothing about it, would have campaigned until it did. But in some Muslim communities, there’s solidarity between the child-rapists, often family members, and there’s solidarity with them from other Muslims. It’s no good telling them they need to “have the confidence”. It’s not confidence they lack. Something about particular branches of Islamic culture – not all of them – makes some Muslims complicit in child abuse, and something about British society makes it hard to stop them. Jayne Senior clearly expresses that weakness.
Rotherham is the tip of an iceberg. Senior’s book, together with Peter McLoughlin’s account (“Easy Meat”), Alexis Jay’s official Rotherham report (“Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Exploitation in Rotherham”), Andrew Norfolk’s and Julie Bindel’s articles in the Times, and the reactions to them, exposed
- hundreds of girls under sixteen in dozens of towns being trafficked and raped by gangs of men with mostly Muslim names
- police collusion with these child-rapists
- political correctness in the social services preventing social workers from exposing the narrow demographic of most of the offenders
- the destruction of evidence of child rape by city council workers
- little feminist concern with the problem
- leftist violence, with police collusion, against people protesting against the rape gangs
- media suppression of evidence, for fear of stirring up “racism”
- the promotion of Muslims into positions of power, where they protect their co-religionists
Muslim prosecutor Nazir Afzal claimed “There is no religious basis for the abuse in Rotherham”.
Feminists and Social Justice Warriors
Because feminism is close to the left, because the left is “anti-racist” to a fault, and because most of the Muslims in Britain are darker-coloured than the indigenous population, hardly any feminists noticed the problem of Muslim rape gangs targeting underage white girls. One of the few exceptions is Julie Bindel:
The pimps are adept at trading on teenage rebellion and use similar methods, according to Crop, of convincing the girls all white people are racist… “Like most teenagers, I was going through a phase of arguing with my mum,” says Gemma. “Amir told me they didn’t understand me and were racist and ignorant. I believed him.”
– “Mothers of prevention”, The Times, 30 September 2007.
Feminists often accept rape claims uncritically – “it wasn’t Jackie’s job to get the details of her rape correct” wrote Jessica Valenti, even after Jackie’s claim to have been raped at the University of Virginia was exposed as completely false.
Chelsey Wright of Sunderland claims to have been raped by refugees, and ignored by the authorities. There is a petition to support her (May 2017): “Would you please sign this petition and help the UK overthrow its rape culture?”. In this case, because the alleged offenders are Middle Eastern, and the woman and her supporters white, she gets little support from feminists. Some of them claim that the only reason white men are concerned about the case is because they believe they “have a duty to protect “their” women from the rape-crazed hordes of non-white men”. Feminists ignored the march to support Chelsey Wright pressuring the police to take action. Here is a typical feminist reaction, from a discussion on “Ask Feminists” on reddit.com, 20 May 2017:
This is not protecting women’s rights. It’s asserting white men’s ownership over white women. It’s a total denial of women’s rights.
The assault on science
In June 2015, Nobel Laureate and cancer researcher, Sir Tim Hunt, formerly of University College London, made a self-deprecating joke about sexist scientists at a conference in South Korea. A feminist, Connie St. Louis, didn’t see the joke, and tweeted approximately some of what he said. When he returned to the UK, he thought he’d flown to North Korea by mistake. He was told to resign, or be fired: Tim Hunt: “I’ve been hung out to dry. They haven’t even bothered to ask for my side of affairs”, Robin McKie, The Guardian, 13 June 2015.
Back in October 2007, another Nobel Laureate, James Watson, co-discoverer of the structure of DNA, was forced out of his job because he said that the underdevelopment of Africa may be related to average differences in intelligence between the races of humanity: “Watson Loses Cold Spring Harbor Post”, Yudhijit Bhattacharjee, Science, 19 October 2007. If America is still in the grip of “white supremacy”, as the social justice warriors claim, why would the greatest living geneticist get the sack for defending a scientific hypothesis which may offend black people?
Toward the end of 2015, the assault on reason continued to grow when students on both sides of the Atlantic, demanded, and in most cases, got, apologies and resignations from academics and administrators at numerous colleges and universities for vaguely specified thought crimes.
It would be difficult to exaggerate the intensity and scale of this campaign. At the time of writing, the campaign continues unabated. Mobs of “anti-fascists” in Britain and the USA try to stop anyone they disagree with speaking, from feminist Germaine Greer to “The Bell Curve” co-author Charles Murray. In two cases, in Berkeley, CA, the city has instructed the police to allow leftists to assault people attempting to attend meetings addressed by politically incorrect speakers.
Students at Evergreen College in Washington demanded white people be excluded from the campus for a day, and invaded a lecture by a professor who doesn’t agree, shouting the allegation that he is “racist” for not leaving campus. The president of the college, instead of telling the campus police to defend this professor’s freedom to teach, has capitulated to threats of violence. Self-censorship is endemic. You can express politically incorrect ideas more freely anywhere than in a department of sociology, or in any whose name ends in the word “studies”.
Academia, for the most part, hasn’t just failed in its mission of allowing freedom of expression, it has actively collaborated in its suppression. It has turned into its opposite.
What caused this assault on the bases of Western civilization? Why is it tolerated? How far beyond academia has it spread? How can it be defeated?
Above, I discussed how Rotherham whistleblower Jayne Senior continued to support the Labour Party, after she’d exposed its complicity in Islamic child rape, and her reluctance to use the word “Muslim”.
Following the Manchester bombing of 22 May 2017, by the son of a Libyan refugee, the brother of one of the victims asked people not to criticise immigration because of it. Both father and son had fought with an al-Qaeda offshoot in Libya – during an uprising which had Western support: “Victim’s brother: stop using Manchester attack to denounce immigration”, Helen Pidd, The Guardian, 31 May 2017.
Consider also the case of a 14-year-old British girl who wrote an essay arguing against deporting criminals from foreign countries because it’s “racist”. Shortly afterward, she was murdered by a criminal who had already served time in his native Latvia for murdering his wife: “Revealed: Alice Gross argued against banning foreign criminals before her murder”, Jamie Grierson, The Guardian, 11 July 2016.
Even after her murder, her parents urged anti-immigration groups not to “exploit” her death; not to use some of the evidence of the dangers of the policy of importing criminals to argue in favour of not doing it. There could be no more dramatic illustration of the pathological nature of “anti-racism” – except perhaps in Germany, where women assaulted by immigrants have claimed it was white German men, in order to avoid stirring up anti-immigrant feeling.
The West is the least racist culture
“Show Racism the Red Card” is more than an organisation of social justice warriors trying to police offensive humour at British football matches. It is trying to extend its influence into schools – according to Ged Grebby in The Guardian, 20 May 2015, “England’s young people aren’t racist – but they need better education”.
A specific example of what Grebby calls “racism” is
we have found that there is a large amount of negativity when young people are asked questions about “immigration” or “Muslims”.
Show Racism the Red Card aims to weaken children’s fear of Muslims. Unfortunately, this fear is justified. It’s true that the majority of Muslim men in the UK are not child-traffickers, but it’s also true that a Muslim man is over 170 times more likely than a non-Muslim man of having been convicted of child-trafficking offences.
Being wary of Muslims is analogous to being wary of strange men. Most strange men aren’t child-molesters, but we teach children to use statistics to err on the side of caution, and avoid strange men. It should be exactly the same with Muslim men. If we can use statistics to stigmatise the group “strange men” in the eyes of children, why not the group “Muslim men”? The second follows logically from the first. But our pathological altruism short-circuits logic and endangers children.
There are children who form no racial stereotypes. But they are also too friendly to strangers, according to this report in Nature: “Children who form no racial stereotypes found”, Janelle Weaver, Nature, 12 April 2010.
Here is a map of “racial tolerance” published by the Washington Post in May 2013, classifying areas of the world according to percentage of inhabitants who would not want to live next to people of a different race. The people of the Western countries, particularly the Anglo-Saxon ones, are among the least prone to objecting to neighbours of a more distant ethnic origin.
The implicit claim of Social Justice that white Europeans are uniquely, and ubiquitously, ethnocentric, couldn’t be further from the truth. White guilt is endemic. The reason the hate groups of the left, the multi-million dollar hate industry, the university departments of African-American studies, etc., are allowed to exist, is because so many white Europeans tolerate and support them.
As Douglas Murray argues,
More than any other continent or culture in the world today, Europe is now deeply weighed down with guilt for its past.
– “The Strange Death of Europe: Immigration, Identity, Islam”.
The Jewish question
Douglas Murray also writes
it genuinely shocks me to discover… many Jewish groups and Jewish leaders have been taking a conspicuous lead in welcoming refugees.
He seems unaware of the argument that, because it defends their interests, Jews are overrepresented in the leadership of the Social Justice assault on Western values, with Jewish organisations’ support for mass immigration being the icing on the cake. Professor Kevin MacDonald’s “The Culture of Critique” contains the most well-known and well-developed version of this claim.
Gilad Atzmon, a refugee from Israel, is the primary critic of “Jewish power” in Western societies – for example “The Wandering Who?”, Atzmon, G., 2011. He has bravely stood up against the power of his former nation in negatively influencing Western societies.
I agree with him, but think he’s looking at only one part of the problem.
On his website, he criticises Jewish attacks on freedom of speech. Here is an example, from London University: “London School Of Economics – everything but the truth”.
But he failed to criticise an attempt by Muslims to prevent an ex-Muslim atheist speaking at the same university. These Muslims are supported by feminists: “Goldsmiths Feminist Society stands in solidarity with Goldsmiths Islamic Society”, and LGBT activists: “Following recent events on- and offline, we would like to state and show our solidarity with the sisters and brothers of our Goldsmiths ISOC”.
Here are two recent examples of attempted censorship at universities in California, published on the same day on the same website, “Campus Reform”. One is anti-, one pro-Israel. Both use the language of political correctness to attack freedom of speech: “CA university adopts strict definition of anti-Semitism”, and “SJP shuts down another pro-Israel event at UC-Irvine”.
Atzmon and I both support a Palestinian rights activist in Portland, Oregon, who was fired after a campaign by self-described “anti-fascists”. In this case, the leftists were, paradoxically, consciously or otherwise, working for the Israel Lobby. But this is part of a much larger problem, in which the “Antifa” oppose many other examples of freedom of speech, some of them supportive of Israel – for example, they have used violence to stop speeches by pro-Israel speakers Milo Yiannopoulos and Anne Coulter in Berkeley.
Atzmon’s method is to find examples which back up his critique of Jewish power. Where he can’t find them, he makes them up. For example, he gives credibility to attempts to exculpate Muslims from Islamic terrorist crimes. In March 2012, in Toulouse, an assailant murdered seven people, including two French-African soldiers and three Jewish children.
Guardian writer Fiachra Gibbons jumped to the conclusion that white far right extremists were responsible. The newspaper ended up with egg on its face when the killer turned out to be French-Algerian: “Toulouse shootings: race, religion and murder”, The Guardian, 19 March 2012.
There was some slight basis to the Guardian’s assumption. Only one party, in French history, has murdered black soldiers and Jewish children: the Nazis, during the 1940-1945 occupation.
In contrast, Gilad Atzmon speculated that it may have been an Israeli “false flag operation”. This idea was more tentative; it had no basis in fact whatsoever: “Is it an Israeli False Flag Again?”, 22 March 2012.
And unlike the Guardian, Atzmon made his mistake after the fatal shooting of Mohamed Merah by the police. Why would Israel murder Jewish children? Well, argued Atzmon and his followers, by making it look like a Muslim had done it, it could stir up “Islamophobia”.
I’m not making this up.
And Atzmon has not changed his approach since, continuing his method of finding, or inventing, Jewish crimes, and explaining Muslim ones as “possibly” or “probably” “false flag operations”: “Amidst a Religious War in Europe or is it just another False Flag Operation?”, 8 January 2015, and “‘Australian IS jihadist’ is actually an American Jew Named Goldberg”, 11 September 2015.
Political correctness is used by Jewish activists, but it is also used by other political forces – sometimes against Jewish interests. “Anti-racism”, the assault on science and reason, and the rest of the nonsense I have covered in this essay, are not reducible to Jews acting in Jewish interests, even if self-identified Jews played a disproportionate role in their genesis (for example, Franz Boas, Theodor Adorno, Jacques Derrida, Stephen Jay Gould and Richard Lewontin).
But a more fundamental problem than Jewish power is what makes it – and the other pathologies covered in this article – possible. White Western European societies (including the ones in North America and Australasia) are particularly receptive to criticism, accurate or otherwise. There is a growing realisation of this weakness, and a backlash.
I repeat my prediction that this year will continue to be a good one for freedom, and a bad one for Social Justice. A side-effect will be to make discussion of the Jewish question less taboo.
“Words That Wound”, Matsuda, M., et. al., 1993
“Serena and the Potbangers”, Johnson, K.C., 9 May 2007, http://durhamwonderland.blogspot.com/2007/05/serena-and-potbangers.html, retrieved 8 June 2017
“Until Proven Innocent: political correctness and the shameful injustices of the Duke lacrosse rape case”, Taylor, S. Jr. & Johnson, K.C., 2007
“The Campus Rape Frenzy: the attack on due process at America’s universities”, Taylor, S. Jr. & Johnson, K.C., 2017
“Antisemitism in the UK – tenth report of session 2016–17”, House of Commons Home Affairs Committee, 13 October 2016, http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201617/cmselect/cmhaff/136/136.pdf, retrieved 8 June 2017
“The Anti-Semitism Awareness Act would damage free speech rights on campus”, Liz Jackson, Los Angeles Times, 6 December 2016, http://www.latimes.com/opinion/op-ed/la-oe-jackson-anti-semitism-awareness-act-20161206-story.html, retrieved 6 December 2016
“The Authoritarian Personality”, Adorno, T., Frenkel-Brunswik, E., Levinson, D.J., & Stanford, R.N., 1950
“The Watchdogs”, Laird Wilcox, 1999, Editorial Research Service, Kansas, http://www.fakehatecrimes.org/The-Watchdogs-by-Laird-Wilcox.pdf, retrieved 9 June 2017
“Hate Crimes”, Jacobs, J.B. & Potter, K., 1998
“Hate Crimes”, Levin, J., and McDevitt, J., 1993
“Militia Mania, a Growing Danger”, Stern, K., 1996
“Gathering Storm: America’s Militia Threat”, Dees, M., 1997
“The Better Angels of Our Nature: why violence has declined”, Pinker, S., 2011
“A History of Force”, Payne, J., 2004
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